They traveled nearly ten hours.
For more than three decades, Colleen Slemmer’s family had lived with the murder that changed their lives.

On Wednesday, they believed the waiting was finally about to end.
Christa Pike’s execution had been scheduled.
Family members made the journey to Tennessee.
Some of the cost of that trip had been covered by people who donated money so they could be there.
They entered the prison expecting to witness the sentence imposed for Colleen’s murder finally carried out.
Instead, they watched an ambulance leave.
Pike was still alive.
The execution had failed.
And a family that had spent more than 30 years waiting for an ending suddenly found itself facing another question nobody could immediately answer.
What happens now?
Colleen’s niece, Morgan Seely, described the family as devastated.
According to her, her grandmother had not eaten since the failed execution.
She had already been hurting.
Now the events inside the prison had made it worse.
Colleen’s stepfather, Raul Martinez, took his grief public.
He thanked the people who helped make the family’s trip possible.
Then he wrote that Colleen’s soul could not rest until Pike died from the two doses of pentobarbital she had received.
He posted an image of the scales of justice.
Across it were three words.
Justice for Colleen.
Those words capture the family’s position.
They still want the sentence carried out.
They do not view Pike’s continued imprisonment as the justice they have spent decades waiting to see.
And now their anger is directed not only at the woman convicted of Colleen’s murder.
It is directed at the state that told them it was prepared to carry out the sentence.
Morgan’s message to officials was direct.
Get your act together.
Stop playing around with victims’ families.
Figure out what happens next.
And do not make them wait another two years for an answer.
That demand reveals something easily lost in the medical and legal arguments surrounding the failed execution.
For Colleen’s family, Wednesday was supposed to be the end of a story.
Instead, it became the beginning of another one.
A story about an execution that did not work.
A prisoner transported to a hospital.
A governor pausing executions.
Lawyers preparing new litigation.
Questions about IV access and lethal drugs.
Questions about Tennessee’s execution protocol.
Questions about whether earlier warnings were followed.
And somewhere beneath all of those questions is a family that arrived expecting finality and left with more uncertainty than it had before.
The day had already been exhausting before anything went wrong inside the execution chamber.
Pike’s execution was scheduled for the morning.
Then came the legal proceedings.
Appeals.
Orders.
Rulings.
The hours stretched.
Colleen’s relatives waited.
They had traveled hundreds of miles believing there was a specific reason to be in Tennessee that day.
They did not know whether the execution would proceed.
Eventually, the United States Supreme Court cleared the way.
The process moved forward.
For the family, that should have meant the uncertainty was finally over.
Instead, the most unexpected part of the case was still ahead.
The execution did not end with Pike’s death.
Witnesses were removed.
An ambulance arrived.
Pike was transported from Riverbend Maximum Security Institution to a hospital.
Colleen’s family was left trying to understand what they had just witnessed.
They had emotionally prepared themselves to watch an execution.
Whatever anyone thinks about capital punishment, that preparation itself is extraordinary.
Victims’ relatives are asked to enter a controlled room and watch the government deliberately end another person’s life.
For supporters of the death penalty, that moment may represent enforcement of a lawful sentence.
For opponents, it represents something fundamentally different.
But for Colleen’s family, the expectation was clear.
The sentence would finally be completed.
Instead, the state failed to deliver the outcome it had told them to expect.
That is why Morgan’s anger goes beyond the technical mechanics of lethal injection.
The family wants accountability.
Who explains what happened?
Who explains why it happened?
Who tells them whether another execution will ever be scheduled?
Who decides how long they must wait?
Those questions became even more urgent as Pike’s medical condition dominated headlines.
According to claims made by her attorneys and described in the source, Pike was unconscious and on a ventilator after the failed execution.
Her lawyers alleged injuries involving both arms.
They claimed her arms were swollen, burned and blistered when she reached the hospital.
Those are allegations from Pike’s legal team.
They are serious.
But they should not be confused with final medical findings or judicial conclusions.
The Tennessee Department of Correction maintained that its protocol had been followed.
A judge moved quickly on a request involving preservation of evidence.
And Governor Bill Lee ordered a review while executions were paused for the remainder of the year, according to the source.
Those developments matter.
If something went wrong inside the chamber, the state faces questions about what happened and why.
But from the perspective of Colleen’s family, the attention has shifted in a painful direction.
For decades, their story centered on Colleen.
Now much of the public conversation centers on Pike.
Her condition.
Her treatment.
Her injuries.
Her lawyers.
Her rights.
Whether Tennessee could legally attempt another execution.
For a family that believes it came to Tennessee to witness justice for Colleen, that shift can feel like being pushed out of its own story.
There are therefore two different forms of accountability unfolding at once.
Pike’s attorneys want answers about what happened to their client.
Colleen’s relatives want answers about why the state failed to carry out the sentence.
Those demands do not have to cancel each other out.
If the execution procedure failed, the state can be required to explain that failure.
And the victim’s family can simultaneously demand an explanation for why a process it was told would deliver finality instead created another period of uncertainty.
That uncertainty may be the most damaging consequence for Colleen’s relatives.
For more than 30 years, there was always another date.
Another appeal.
Another legal filing.
Another proceeding.
Then there was finally an execution date.
They traveled.
They waited.
They entered the prison.
And now there is no clear ending.
According to the source, no new execution date had been established.
The governor had paused executions for the remainder of the year and ordered a review.
Pike remained hospitalized.
Any future attempt would almost certainly trigger serious legal litigation.
For a family asking what happens in the next few months, the legal system may not be able to provide an immediate answer.
That is precisely what they do not want to hear.
The family’s reaction can be understood in three layers.
The first is grief.
Colleen’s murder may be more than three decades old, but age does not automatically turn a personal loss into a historical abstraction.
Her relatives still speak about her.
Still travel for hearings.
Still follow the case.
Still organize their lives around legal developments involving the person convicted of killing her.
They expected the execution to provide some form of closure.
Whether executions actually produce closure is debated intensely.
But the family’s expectation was real.
When the execution failed, the expectation collapsed.
The second layer is anger.
Not simply anger at Pike.
Anger at Tennessee.
The state assumed responsibility for carrying out one of the most serious acts a government can perform.
The family expected competence.
Instead, they watched the process fail.
That anger becomes even more significant because the source describes earlier problems with Tennessee’s execution system.
This was not occurring in a vacuum.
Tennessee had already faced scrutiny over lethal-injection procedures.
An independent investigation had previously produced recommendations intended to strengthen the system.
And according to court filings and deposition testimony described later in the source, some of those recommendations were not implemented in the way critics believed they should have been.
That brings us to the third layer.
Trust.
Can the family trust Tennessee to tell them what comes next?
Can the public trust the Department of Correction’s execution protocol?
Can courts trust that future executions will be conducted according to constitutional and procedural requirements?
Can the state demonstrate that it learned from earlier failures?
Those questions now extend far beyond Christa Pike.
The source connects the failed execution to a broader history of problems in Tennessee’s lethal-injection system.
In 2022, after problems involving execution procedures and drug testing, Governor Lee ordered an independent review.
The resulting investigation—described in the source as the Stanton Report—identified problems and recommended changes.
Among the recommendations discussed were stronger pharmaceutical expertise.
Better drug testing.
Improved oversight of the execution team.
Then came a change in leadership.
Frank Strada became commissioner of the Tennessee Department of Correction in January 2023.
He arrived after Tennessee had already been forced to confront failures in its execution system.
According to deposition testimony described in the source, Strada was later asked whether the department had hired a full-time pharmaceutical expert as recommended.
He said it had not.
His explanation, according to the source, was that the measure had been a recommendation rather than a requirement.
That distinction is now likely to receive enormous scrutiny.
A recommendation is not necessarily a legal mandate.
Failing to adopt every recommendation does not by itself establish that an official violated the law or caused a particular execution failure.
But once another execution goes wrong, every recommendation not adopted becomes relevant to the public question:
Could this have been prevented?
The source says Strada testified that the department relied instead on internal personnel and the chemical supplier.
He was also questioned about training.
He knew of IV-related training but reportedly acknowledged that no other scheduled training from a healthcare professional had occurred.
The source further describes questions about an audit required by state policy.
Those details do not establish causation by themselves.
But they create a timeline that Tennessee will now have to explain.
Problems were identified.
Recommendations were made.
Some recommendations were not adopted.
Another execution attempt later failed.
That sequence is why critics are asking whether the state learned enough from its earlier problems.
Strada’s deposition included another exchange that now carries particular weight.
He was asked how the department would determine whether its protocol was successful.
According to the source, his answer was essentially the success of the execution.
Asked what success meant, he said:
“The condemned is put to death.”
That statement can be interpreted in different ways.
At the most literal level, the purpose of an execution protocol is to carry out a lawful death sentence.
But critics see a deeper problem.
Success cannot be evaluated solely by whether someone eventually dies.
The process must also comply with law.
Protocol.
Constitutional requirements.
Drug standards.
Medical procedures.
Documentation.
Training.
A government performing an execution is not judged only by the final heartbeat.
How it gets there matters.
And in Pike’s case, the final outcome Strada identified as the measure of success did not happen.
She survived.
That means the state now faces scrutiny under its own stated standard as well.
The source also points to an earlier failed execution attempt involving another Tennessee death-row prisoner.
In May, Tennessee attempted to execute Tony Kurthers, as the name is rendered in the transcript.
That procedure was called off after the execution team could not establish the required lines.
No lethal drug was administered.
Governor Lee later granted a one-year reprieve.
Then came allegations from Kurthers’s family.
His sister filed a complaint with the Tennessee Department of Health.
She alleged that her brother experienced extreme pain during the attempt and later suffered a stroke that left him partially paralyzed on his right side.
Those claims have not been proven.
The Department of Correction declined to comment on them when the complaint was filed, according to the source.
The complaint also accused the physician involved in the procedure of violating medical ethics.
Among its allegations were questions about medication, allergy screening and repeated attempts to access a vein.
Again, allegations.
Not established findings.
But their relevance increased after the source reported that the same physician had also been involved in Pike’s execution attempt.
One commentator cited in the source additionally claimed that the doctor had not performed a central-line procedure in more than 13 years.
The source itself says that claim could not be independently confirmed.
It should therefore remain exactly that.
A claim.
But even without it, the sequence is troubling enough to generate obvious questions.
May:
An execution attempt fails after problems establishing access.
September:
Another execution attempt ends with the prisoner alive and transported to a hospital.
Between them sits a state system that had already undergone an independent review.
For Colleen’s family, those institutional questions are not academic.
Every failure adds time.
Every review adds time.
Every lawsuit adds time.
Every unanswered medical question adds time.
The system that promised them a conclusion has produced another delay.
And that delay could be long.
The legal issues surrounding any attempt to execute Pike again would be substantial.
Human-rights attorney Clive Stafford Smith, an opponent of capital punishment who appeared in the source, argued that another attempt would raise profound constitutional concerns.
His position should be understood as advocacy.
He has represented death-row prisoners and co-founded Reprieve, an organization opposing capital punishment.
He believes lethal injection is frequently botched and fundamentally problematic.
He also believes Pike has already endured enough.
Colleen’s family believes something very different.
They still want the sentence carried out.
Those positions could hardly be farther apart.
Yet Stafford Smith acknowledged something that sometimes disappears in polarized death-penalty debates.
Opposing execution does not mean supporting murder.
He said he tries to speak with victims’ families in capital cases.
He has personally witnessed executions with victims present.
From his experience, he does not believe executions provide the catharsis families are often promised.
That is his conclusion.
Colleen’s relatives are entitled to their own.
For them, the sentence matters.
They have waited more than three decades.
They made the trip.
They entered the witness room.
They wanted the execution completed.
The failed procedure did not persuade them to abandon that position.
It intensified their frustration.
This is one reason the aftermath cannot be reduced to a debate over whether Pike suffered.
Her medical condition matters.
Her constitutional rights matter.
The state’s conduct matters.
But Colleen’s family matters too.
They were not responsible for Tennessee’s protocol.
They did not select the execution drugs.
They did not train the execution team.
They did not decide which recommendations from the earlier review would be implemented.
They were invited into a process controlled entirely by the state.
Then the process failed in front of them.
That creates an institutional responsibility that is different from the question of whether capital punishment itself is right or wrong.
Even a person who strongly supports the death penalty can ask whether Tennessee handled this execution competently.
Even a person who strongly opposes the death penalty can acknowledge that Colleen’s family experienced another traumatic disruption after decades of litigation.
Both can be true.
The longer-term consequences could extend in several directions.
First, Pike’s health.
Her attorneys described serious injuries and a critical medical condition.
The extent of any lasting damage was unknown in the source.
Medical speculation should therefore be avoided.
Nobody outside her care team can responsibly say what neurological, vascular, pulmonary or other lasting injuries she will have.
Second, litigation.
Evidence from the execution attempt is likely to become extremely important.
Records.
Drug information.
IV documentation.
Video, if any exists.
Witness accounts.
Medical records.
Training materials.
Internal communications.
Protocol documents.
Those materials could become central to arguments over what happened and whether another execution can legally proceed.
Third, administrative accountability.
The governor’s review could examine whether protocol was followed, whether the protocol itself was adequate, and whether previous recommendations should have been implemented differently.
That review may also force renewed examination of Strada’s deposition testimony and the state’s response to the 2022 findings.
Fourth, Tennessee’s remaining death-row cases.
The governor’s decision to pause executions means Pike’s failed procedure affects people beyond Pike.
Other scheduled executions are now caught inside the same institutional review.
The state cannot treat the event as an isolated technical malfunction if confidence in the broader system has been damaged.
Fifth, the victims’ families.
This consequence receives less legal attention because it cannot be measured through medical records or court motions.
But it is visible.
A grandmother who, according to Morgan, stopped eating.
A niece demanding answers.
A stepfather publicly writing that Colleen cannot rest.
A family that spent money, time and emotional energy traveling to Tennessee.
A family that believed Wednesday would close something.
Instead, it opened something else.
The state now owes answers in two directions.
Pike’s attorneys are entitled to seek evidence about what happened to their client.
Courts must consider constitutional claims seriously.
If the execution team made mistakes, those mistakes cannot be hidden merely because Pike had been sentenced to death.
At the same time, Colleen’s family deserves an explanation for why a process the state represented as ready ended with an ambulance.
Those responsibilities are not mutually exclusive.
Accountability is not a finite resource.
The state can investigate possible harm to Pike while acknowledging the harm the failed process inflicted on the victim’s relatives.
And that may be the deepest institutional lesson here.
An execution is never confined to the person strapped to the gurney.
It reaches outward.
To lawyers.
Corrections officers.
Medical personnel.
Judges.
Government officials.
Witnesses.
The condemned person’s family.
The victim’s family.
When the process fails, the consequences travel through all of them.
That is why Tennessee’s earlier warnings matter.
The state had already been told that its execution system needed attention.
According to the source, an independent review recommended safeguards.
Later deposition testimony indicated that some were treated as recommendations rather than mandatory requirements.
Now another execution has failed.
Whether those decisions directly caused what happened to Pike is not established by this source.
That determination requires evidence.
But the sequence creates a question Tennessee cannot avoid.
What did the state know?
What did it change?
What did it decide not to change?
And why?
Commissioner Strada reportedly defended leadership in part by talking about taking risks.
But carrying out an execution is a uniquely difficult place for governmental risk.
The state is deliberately performing an irreversible act.
There is no acceptable version of improvisation after the point of no return.
Every safeguard matters because the state cannot undo death.
Pike’s case produced the opposite problem.
The state attempted to carry out an irreversible sentence.
Then failed to complete it.
Now nearly every participant is trapped in uncertainty.
Pike’s lawyers do not know what her long-term medical future will be.
The courts have not resolved whether another attempt could occur.
The Department of Correction faces scrutiny over its procedures.
The governor has ordered review.
Other executions are paused.
And Colleen’s family does not know whether it will ever be asked to return to another witness room.
That may be why Morgan’s demand is so powerful.
Not two years from now.
The family wants answers in the next few months.
But the legal system may not be able to move at the speed grief demands.
Reviews take time.
Litigation takes time.
Medical recovery or assessment takes time.
Constitutional questions take time.
If Tennessee seeks another execution date, the challenge could become even more complicated.
The same family that has already waited more than 30 years could therefore find itself waiting again.
That is the bitter irony of the failed execution.
Whatever the state intended Wednesday to accomplish, it produced almost the exact opposite of finality.
It created more litigation.
More medical uncertainty.
More public scrutiny.
More political and administrative questions.
More pain.
And more waiting.
Colleen’s relatives arrived believing they were approaching the final minutes of a case that had followed them for decades.
They had already endured the murder.
The trial.
The sentence.
Appeals.
Delays.
Arguments over capital punishment.
Then came the execution day itself.
Morning became afternoon.
Afternoon became evening.
Courts intervened.
The Supreme Court ultimately cleared the way.
The family entered the prison.
The process began.
And then—
an ambulance.
That image may ultimately define the night more than anything that happened behind the execution chamber’s walls.
Because the ambulance carried Pike away.
But it also carried away the ending Colleen’s family thought it had finally reached.
Now the state has to explain what happened.
Pike’s lawyers will demand answers for their client.
Officials will have to defend their decisions.
The governor’s review will examine the system.
Courts may eventually determine whether Tennessee can try again.
And through all of it, Colleen Slemmer’s family will still be waiting.
They traveled nearly ten hours because they thought the waiting was over.
Instead, after more than three decades, Tennessee sent them home with another unfinished chapter.